[1] Gulf War One was fought between Iran and Iraq in the late-1970s and 1980s. In Gulf War II, the US and its coalition fought Iraq for the liberation of Kuwait (Operations Desert Shield/Storm). [2] According to the Tofflers, the media are eager to speak on media affairs to a point that this was the main topic dealt with covering the Second Gulf War. Toffler, Alvin, and Toffler Heidi, 1994. War and Anti-War. New York: Warner Books. [3] Namely, Gulf War II (Operations Desert Shield/Storm), the invasion of Afghanistan (Operation Endure Freedom), and Gulf War III (Operations Iraqi Freedom). [4] See documents filed in Pentagon Rules on Media Access to the Persian Gulf War. Hearing before the Committee on Governmental Affairs, United States Senate (102 Congress). February 1991; Eviathar H. Ben-Zedeff, 1991. “The US Military Establishment and Freedom of the Press.” Ma’arachoth 321: 42-52 [Hebrew]. [5] Peter Braestrup, 1983. Big Story: How the American Press and Television Reported and Interpreted the Crisis of Tet 1968, Vietnam and Washington. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press; Daniel C. Hallin, 1986. The “Uncensored War.” The Media and Vietnam. New York: Oxford University Press; William M. Hammond, 1988. Public Affairs. The Military and the Media 1962-1968. The U.S. Army in Vietnam. Washington, DC: Center of Military History, United States Army; William M. Hammond, 1996. Public Affairs. The Military and the Media 1968-1973. The U.S. Army in Vietnam. Washington, DC: Center of Military History, United States Army. [6] Eviathar H. Ben-Zedeff, 1997. Achilles’ Heel: Feasibility of Military Censorship of the Media in the "Third Wave" Era of Technology. A paper submitted to the biennial international conference of the Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society (IUS), Baltimore, MD (October). [7] A conversation with the author, Washington, DC, April 1997. [8] The attitudinal change is well shown by Hollywood. From movies like Alan J. Pakula's All the President's Men (Warner Brothers, 1976) that portrays a positive picture of the media and journalists we have come to Pakula's The Pelican Brief (Warner Brothers, 1994) that portrays the cynical world of journalism. [9] Floyd Abrams, 1983. National Security and Freedom of the Press - An American Perspective. A lecture at the Azriel Carlebach Chair for Journalism, Tel Aviv University (December, 27) [mimeo]. [10] James B. Brown, 1992. "Media Access to the Battlefield." Military Review (July), p. 11. [11] Daniel C. Hallin, 1991. “TV’s Clean Little War.” The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (May): 17-19. [12] Paul F. Walker and Eric Stambler, 1991. “… And the Dirty Little Weapons.” The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, (May): 21-24. [13] Hallin, 1991: 17-19. [14] John M. Shotwell, 1991. "The Fourth Estate as A Force Multiplier." Marine Corps Gazette (July), p. 76; Bruce W. Watson, 1991. "The Issue of Media Access to Information." in Bruce W. Watson, Bruce George, Peter G. Tsouras, B. L. Cy, and The International Analysis Group on the Gulf War (Eds.). Military Lessons of the Gulf War. London: Greenhill Books and Presidio Press, California, p. 210. [15] Legally, the Supreme Command was the Saudi Prince, and General Schwartzkopf was his deputy, operating under a UN Security Council’s resolution. [16] As in most of the wars in the second half of the twentieth century, the media accept news reported from “the other side of the hill” while trying to evade sheer propaganda. [17] Bob Simon, 1992. Forty Days. Tel Aviv: Ma’ariv Publishing House [Hebrew], p. 25; Watson, 1991: 209-210. [18] An interview with Barabara Walters, ABC’s 20/20, March 22, 1991; Watson, 1991: 206, 209. [19] Simon, 1992: 204-205. [20] An interesting confrontation between the journalists flocking to the bars to the journalists hunting stories in the battlefields can be seen in Roland Joffe’s The Killing Fields (Warner Brothers, 1984), which is based on an autobiography of a New York Times reporter during the invasion of Cambodia. [21] This is, supposedly, an universal response. Such a response had been observed in the US in the Korean and Vietnam Wars; in the UK during the war against the Irish terrorism and the Falklands Campaign (See David E. Morrison and Howard Tumber, 1988. Journalists at War. The Dynamics of News Reporting during the Falklands Conflict. London: Sage); and even in Israel. [22] Walter Cronkite, 2003. "Speaking with the Enemy." New York Times (Online, April 1). [23] Since WW II social scientist have discussed the influence of casualty shyness on decision-making in the West. In the last decade many researchers agree that casualty shyness is lower when a national consensus on the war goals is achieved. Yet, Iraqi officials have repeatedly threatened the US with casualties in both Gulf Wars. John E. Mueller, 1973. War, Presidents, and Public Opinion. New York: Wiley; Eric V. Larson, 1996. Casualties and Consensus. The Historical Role of Casualties in Domestic Support for U.S. Military Operations. Santa Monica, CA: RAND. [24] Department of Defense, Office of Assistant Secretary (Public Affairs), 2003. Public Affairs Guidance (PAG) on Embedding Media during Possible Future Operations/Deployment in the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) Area of Responsibility (AOR). An Unclassified Document (February 10). [25] As Gerardo Riviera, and some Portuguese and Israeli journalists. [26] After Gulf War II, there were several writers who claimed that by joining a unit, a reporter would be converted into a fan of that unit. Shotwell, 1991. [27] On the other hand, after the Israeli Operation Peace for Galilee an M-60 Israeli tank taken by the Syrian in the Sultan Yaakub battle was shown on parade in Damascus, but three of its crew are still MIAs while the fourth member of the crew had been released after about three years of captivity. An F-4 weapon systems operator Lieutenant-Colenel Ron Arad, Israeli Air Force (Reserves), taken POW in October 1986 by a terrorist organization in Lebanon had been photographed in his captivity, but ever since had disappeared. [28] The most outrageous was seemingly the media intrusion into a Hopi Indian Tribe in Tuba City, Arizoona in a search for a story about Specialist Lori Piestewa, the first Native American female soldier that has ever killed in combat. [29] Douglas Cater, 1959. The Fourth Branch of Government. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. [30] Raymond B., Nixon, 1939. "Propaganda and Censorship in America's Next War." Journalism Quarterly 16: 237-244, 322. [31] Of course, one can disregard a shooting by a Japanese submarine on the shoreline of Oregon in World War II. [32] William J. Brennen, Jr., 1988. "The Quest to Develop A Jurisprudence of Civil Liberties in Times of Security Crises." Israel Yearbook on Human Rights 18: 11-12, 20. [33] Brennen, 1988: 20. [34] Nixon, 1939; James R. Wiggins, 1956. Freedom or Secrecy. New York: Oxford University Press; Baruch Kimmerling, 1985. The Interrupted System. Israeli Civilians in War and Routine Times. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books; Brennen, 1988. [35] Robert Sims, 1983. The Pentagon Journalists. Washington, DC: National Defense University Press, pp. 59-60. [36] Sims, 1983: 150. [37] Sims, 1983: 150. [38] Only Larry Flint, the publisher of Hustler, petitioned to the US Supreme Court against the news management by the US military. Both his petitions were turned down by the Supreme Court on the basis of mootness. [39] For example, compare the US response to the International Criminal Court in de-Hague with the Israeli response to the ICC and to the suit filed against Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in the Belgian court regarding the massacre in Sabra and Chatila refugee camps in Lebanon, in 1982. [40] There are many examples of military victories that had been badly reported is the defeat of the Viet cong by the Americans in the Tet Offensive, 1968. [41] Since General Gilead is about to retire, the search for his replacement should immediately begin. [42] For a good example for the mix - see Brigadier-General Vincent Brooks, Deputy Director of Operations, CENTCOM, during Gulf War III, and General Schwartzkopf himself in Gulf War II.